Both the muntafa3in and the mustasmer were given the land in ‘87

39 muntafa3in with 6 feddan each – all from Dakhla

13 mustasmer (private investors) – from various areas of
Egypt – who pay either 184 or 220 EGP/year/feddan, the amount of ‘rent’ depends on the quality of land which was rated by the government before the establishment of the community

- after twenty years there is a tax, the regular Egyptian tax, for the muntafa3in and they will then be the technical owners of the land, for now there is an ‘ist, essentially they pay rent for the land. There are two more years before this tax begins.

-the land cannot change name while under the ‘ist, it is in the family name (if the husband has died the name goes to either the wife or children) – of course, some people have ‘rented’ their land to another person, so they collect the money and then pay the official rent to the government [two levels of activity here]

-the investor land is the same as the muntafa3in, it stays in the name of the original investor, but because the plots of land are larger (20 feddan is the largest portion at bir wahed) they have divided and rented out more of the land to more people.

-only 5 of the original muntafa3in have left (and rented there land) out of the original group

-Chris has to translate his hieroglyphics: mesool? If there is a problem with the system Abu Adel calls the mesool? in Farafra and they call Kharga, then Cairo

The farmer uses Yuria fertilizer, which he buys from the Agriculture and Development Bank. The bank provides 5 bags of Yuria per feddan, each bag containing 5 kg of fertilizer (this is the maximum share per feddan). If this fertilizer is not enough, he buys more from the shop or gets it off friends. At L.E. 36  (per what? bag?), the price of Yuria at the bank is cheaper than the L.E. 40 he would have to pay on the private market.

According to this farmer, the agricultural association in Talaat Dargham is responsible for water divisions and problems, for example if one farmer receives more water than another the association calculates the price of the harvest that was lost as a result (???? – the igamea, not the kobar?).  It is also responsible for lining canals and for the maintenance of lined canals. There is an agricultural engineer who works at the igamea and is present every day. The igamea, however, does not provide a program for fertlizer or plant diseases (as in educational program?).  It also has a map of all land in Abu Minqar. If irrigation hours should ever be stolen by other farmers, this farmer says, he would complain to the police office in Farafra. This, however, has not occured yet.

Separate from the gamea, there is the Maktab Izra’a. This governmental office for agriculture is responsible for handing out seeds and pesticides, not fertilizer. This farmer will sometimes use seeds from the previous harvest, depending on the quality, if he should not be able to obtain them from the agricultural office.

During the interview, it is the farmer’s irrigation time. He tells us that another farmer is getting water at the same time, but does not know who this other farmer is. The water this farmer obtains according to the Bir 1 irrigation schedule is enough to irrigate 6 feddan in winter, but only 2 feddan in summer. Thus, in summer he only cultivates 2 of the 6 feddan. Should there be more than enough water to irirgate these 2 feddan at times, he gives away the excess water to other farmers for free.

According to this farmer, there are 36 investors and 48 settlers. Both settlers and investors pay money to the government each year. This farmer pays LE 240 for the land and agricultural services (e.g. cleaning and maintenance of canals).

Bir 1 has one elder who is selected according to an agreement made by the farmer. This elder takes the irrigation timetable to the government. Adel’s father is the elder at the momenet, he is a good and fair person, according to this farmer.  The farmer knows the old consultant from Dakhla, who only comes in at rice planting time.  Farmers do not plant much rice anymore in Bir 1 as there is not enough water to irrigate rice. The total available amount of water is decreasing, both because the irrigation area is increasing, and because less water is coming out of the well (!).

Araby from Dakhla

Samir from
Asyut

Personal history and land characteristics from Araby, general comments on community and agriculture by both.

• Araby’s father bought land, 6 feddans, in Bir Wahid 8 year’s ago for 6,000 EGP/feddan. Bought land from someone else who had received land from the government.
• He gets Uriya fertizler from Agricultural Bank, 5 bags for each feddan, 36 EGP/feddan. The Bank will provide only a certain amount per feddan, meaning the Bank most likely pre-orders for the total number of feddans in Abu Minqar.
• There is ig-gamya it-tanmaya, which has engineers. Mohamed Sadiq, from Kafeya, is a leader.
• Ig-gamya is responsible for water distribution, solving problems – neighbors can complain and get money from a neighbor who is stealing water. But, they added, despite having the role of conflict mediation, there are no real conflicts to mediate. Big conflicts would go to the police.
• They have maps and schedules.
• They don’t do anything about seeds or fertilizers.
• The irrigation engineers from the Ministry of Irrigation are part of the ig-gamya, so the government is involved.
• Office of Iz-Zaara, responsible for seeds, etc. which is a government office
• 36 private investors, 48 dakhla original settlers, settler’s pay 200-240 EGP to the government but don’t know which office.
• Villagers pay the government to cleans the canals
• In the summer, they don’t cultivate all 6 feddans, maybe only 2 and use all the water or give some to neighbor in exchange for water next time
• A house, when buying new land, is not part of the deal. Can negotiate or buy land on own.
• 1 hr/1 feddan, 3 feddans/3 hours of water
• Mohamed Said and Hassan Mohamed own most land in Bir Wahid…almost 70 feddans according to Araby and Samir
• Original Dakhla settlers have 6 feddans, private investors vary in feddanage.
• An elder is in charge of taking the schedule; Monsour, Abu Mahdi, or Adel’s father.
• Abu M is the Naggar who comes
• They say there is less rice because decrease. This is because of well water decrease and land increase. ***
• Can grow inside or outside il xarag il zamam in summer.
• Also they said that original settlers generally don’t sell land piecemeal, either leave or keep 6 feddans.

After asking me about the two weddings in Bir 5 and 1 in January 2007, and enquiring “how the brides looked”, Azza remarks that weddings in the oasis are much less glamourous than in Mansoura. “In Abu Minqar brides wear veils on their wedding day, in Mansoura brides go to the hairdresser and also get nice professional make-up for their wedding day”. In Mansoura, the wedding takes place in the street and the entire community takes part, and often the wedding is celebrated in the community centre, Azza says.

Ramadan pays 200 pounds per year per 6 feddan to the government, Ramadan pays 50% of the cost for fertilizers and seeds for the shared land, while taking 50% of the harvest in return (this can be either the actual field crop or the revenue from selling the crop on the market). Sharing agreements such as this one are common in Abu Minqar, and are established mostly in an ad hoc way. Land owners ask around in the neighbourhood if anyone would be interested in sharing land.

Ramadan does not separate the date palm seedlings, as he wants 3 to 4 trees to grow on one stem. Date palm seedlings in the oasis are comparatively cheap, costing L.E. 10 pounds per seedling. By comparison, in
Cairo a small seedling costs around 120 L.E., for a larger tree up to L.E. 300.

The Qabilat al Rashayda family has been in
Egypt for around 100 years. In about 1880, the Salwa and Hodda family’s ancestors were living in
Saudi Arabia. When there was a war in Saudi Arabia that involved Malek Abdel Aziz (from the el Seoud family), many people left and fled through Sudan to
Sohag, Egypt. Here, they lived a Nomad lifestyle, traveling with tents and camels. Under President Sadat, the Bedouin population of
Egypt was made to take on the Egyptian nationality, and was given land to settle down. In return, Bedouins had to start taking over all responsibilities that were expected from other Egyptian citizens, as for example attending military service. Thus, Ahmad’s ancestors became ‘Egyptians’ in the 1970s. During this time (? Or earlier??), Sanduq el Badya, a Bedouin from the Qabilat el Rashayda visited Egypt from Saudi Arabia each year to provide Bedouins in Egypt with food and other goods they required for living. Nowadays, the Qabilat el Rashayda family is spread as widely as Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, Kuwait and
Saudi Arabia. In Bir 5 and 7 in Abu Minqar, most Bedouins are from the family of the Qabilat el Rashayda. The people of Bir 4, on the other hand, are members of a different Bedouin family, the Qabilat el Massau’d. According to Ahmad’s father, the two Bedouin families differ in custom. For example, one family (the Qabilat el Massau’d) allows for marriages between uncles and their young nieces, while the other family would discourage this practice. Also, the Qabilat el Rashayda keeps track of all births and marriages (according to Ahmad’s father, there is a book kept in Bir 4, in which all family developments such as births and marriages are recorded). The Bedouin dialect, however, does not differ much between the two families.

Mut, Dakhla

Ustaz Gaber

Has been working for the gam3a zar3a in Dakhla for 17 years

This particular gam3a in Dakhla has 540 members. These members pay L.E. 1 (per month? can’t read my notes here…) for their membership. There is a total of 19 agricultural cooperatives in Dakhla. Each of these has one manager, such as Ustaz Gaber.

The gam3a provides fertilizer (asmidda) – such as Superphosphat, Yuria and Natarat – as well as seeds and pesticides. The Superphosphat is produced by a company in Cairo (Abu Za’abel), the Yuria and Natarat come from Alexandria (from the company Abu Ir). In terms of seeds, the gam3a provides wheat and rice (rice in winter), the prices of these vary all the time. In case farmers require other types of seeds, they have to buy these independently.

The cooperative also rents out machines for spraying pesticides at L.E. 10 per tank. It also rents out machines for other agricultural practices (garar, makinat zara3, gars tahsien). It buys most crops off farmers, for example rice etc. If farmers want to sell their produce in Cairo, Assiut, etc, it is easiest to go through the network of the cooperative.

The gam3a does not employ a government engineer. It operates independently from the government. (ahaly, mish hukuma). Things like lining canals or drilling wells are clear government responsibilities and have nothing to do with the operation of the gam3a. The cooperative works together with other cooperatives in Kharga and Farafra, as these all operate under the same system. There is no cooperation with Abu Minqar, because the gam3a in Abu Minqar is largely dysfunctional.

There is also an agricultural bank in each village within the oasis of Dakhla, which  provides fertilizers. It does not provide seeds or pesticides. The bank buys wheat off farmers, but does not buy any other crops.

asmidda = fertilizer

simad kima’ui = chemical fertilizer

duhr = wheat

marwa ra’issaya = main canal

rai bin ghammer = flood irrigation

el rash = sprinkler irrigation

rai tammquid = drip irrigation

marwa el mahiad = excess water canal

masraff = drainage ditch

bawaba = irrigation gates

qannaia = canal

tabtien = lined canal

lagna = committee

shamy = corn

simsim = sesame

matura = tractor trailer

saqqafa = culture

natiga = calender

hauscha = division (segments - field)

takliedi = customary, tradition

hasswa = small stone  / haggar = large stone

zeriba = animal shed

sebakh ballady = manure

mantafeyin = beneficiary

mustasmerien = investors

kharegien = graduates

kherrieg = graduate

dukura / muzzaka = male

mu’anneth = female

IMADA’s needs predominately concern the establishment of New Basaysa. To what extent do they consider our research useful? Judging by Dr. Salah’s comments, it appears that first and foremost he expects us to provide guidance to the IMADA crew and the future settlers by answering questions such as: what types of irrigation are most productive; what types of crops grow successfully in the existing community; what are the potential crops that could be harvested were the agricultural and financial conditions maximized? These questions largely apply to material aspects of the research, such as that done by the DDC engineer team. For the most part, we are able to answer these questions without much hesitation. We know that the irrigation system could be vastly improved were lined canals provided and perhaps a more efficient gate system constructed, that people grow many crops quiet successfully and actually speak highly of the land quality, and finally that citrus and other cash crops could be produced on the Abu Minqar agricultural land were the resources available to the community members. Indeed, members of the community wish to see these improvements themselves.

Another point which was raised for the first time (yaani) during the previous meeting, regarded Dr. Rick’s suggestions for agricultural projects which would help to improve the economic situation of the individuals at Abu Minqar. These included both the establishment of a site where members of the community might experiment with citrus production and the introduction of more ‘competent’ cows (i.e. livestock). We can conclude that the DDC sees itself as a source of improving the condition of agricultural production in Abu Minqar, potentially utilizing IMADA’s resources (i.e. land) to achieve its own goals. On the other hand, IMADA sees itself in terms of its future community, New Basaysa, and envisages Abu Minqar more or less as a location with comprehensive information upon which they can build the model community. Hence, we must acknowledge that both of these organizations have disparate (although indirectly connected) intentions – two very different frames-of-reference.

What about WADImena and IDRC? The comments which came from Laura, Lamia, and the ODI crew predominately concerned our integration into the community and our participatory work with the community (as well as our ambiguous relationship with IMADA). They want to see, understandably when bearing in mind the nature of their organizations, the broader contributions of our research: for example, what can we make known to the development/water conservation world that is as yet unknown? I think it is safe to say that we are well integrated into the community: though if we are to consider applying more serious/intensive ethnographic methods to this research the total amount of time at the site needs to be greatly augmented. To most of the community we are still merely ‘visitors’ whose activities, despite being more well-known and accepted, are more associated with ‘business’ (shirket basaysa) and desert agricultural development (DDC). We need to accentuate the fact that we are investigating the ‘social’ side of water usage and irrigation: that is, the people’s understanding of water, beliefs and practices surrounding water usage, etc. This naturally includes a thorough understanding of the people themselves (and their complex history) so that questions as mundane as why are women cleaning their dishes/clothes at Bir Wahed rather than at their homes (given that running water is supposedly available for much of the Bir Wahed community), or beliefs concerning afrit living in the well and perhaps how or if these effect water usage during night hours or youth involvement in irrigation practices. Obviously, we cannot necessarily explain all of this to the community, but we must articulate to them that there is a fundamental cultural element to our research, for most development agendas (and if we are willing to point out, government policies) simply look at the material aspects of agriculture (the land, the water, the irrigation canals, the economic system, etc.) and not the ideological/social/cultural – in this sense, our project is 1) more ethnographic in nature and 2) more aligned with IDRC.

We can explain this to the community by noting that we are trying to do a long-term study on all aspects of agriculture, or essentially an ethnography of the community with beliefs and practices surrounding water usage being the focus. We can stress to IMADA that we will make available to them information which is useful and help, by providing our reports, to try to integrate the two communities in the future. But if we are to consider sustainability our role should mainly be as their consultants, not as a medium for them to get into the community (the soccer game here serves no purpose as far as we are concerned and we should stress to them the points noted by Tina – for example, that it does not involve women – we should be vocal about this as this is where our consultancy proves useful). As for the DDC, if Dr. Rick is interested in publishing an ethnographic account of this community, perhaps centered on agricultural and irrigation practices, than we should get his agreement that that is our main output in his direction – possibly leaving other integration projects such as citrus and livestock production to the long-term sustainability issue and ask for a relatively minimal DDC involvement after our research is to finish. I think that IDRC and ODI, after our meetings and a (future) final report, will be pleased with our involvement if we are to put out a pretty thorough publication, either independently or through them, that tackles the cultural side of water usage. While the irrigation and material sides are rather rare and unique (i.e. oasis vs. riverflow), in every case of agricultural development cultural issues stand at the forefront of many hardships – and we could contribute to alternative approaches which address these.